Politics of Alabama

POLITICS OF ALABAMA

BY

^n J. C. MANNING

PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR

^ 5"^? i ^

Copyright, 1893,
By J. C. Manning.

All Rights Reserved.

\

DEDICATION.

To the patriotic people of Alabama who demand " a free ballot
and a fair count," and believe in honest government, this little
book is fraternally dedicated by the author.

E

V.

7 •

3 /J

3 -v 7

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.
The Famous Kolb-Jones Gubernatorial Contest.

CHAPTER II.
The Democratic Party one of Prejudice.

CHAPTER III.
Different Kinds of " Party Lash " Crackers.

, CHAPTER IV.
The Trouble of the Sixties.

CHAPTER V.
Want Produces Thinkers.

CHAPTER VI.
"Bourbon" Campaign Intolerance.

CHAPTER VH.
Election Methods of the Democrats.

CHAPTER VIII.
Success of the Populists Assured.

POLITICS OF ALABAMA.

CHAPTER I.

THE FAMOUS KOLB-JONES GUBERNATORIAL CONTEST.

Until i^ecently, embracing the past several months, almost national
attention has been centered upon the politics of Alabama.

Notice was first attracted by the famous Kolb-Jones gubernatorial
contest. This campaign was something novel in the South, for
until then, there had not been, for years, any probability of defeat
to the organized Democracy in Alabama.

However, during the Kolb-Jones political fight, astute "organized"
Democratic leaders soon expressed such grave apprehensions of the
success of their ticket that, only a few weeks before the time had
come for the state election (Aug. i, 1S93), Alabama was in the
throes of such political excitement as had probably never before been
known in the history of that commonwealth. This fervor increased
up to the day of election, when, as is known to the entire country,
Capt. R. F. Kolb swept the state with cyclonic victory, notwith-
standing the fact that he was defrauded by the manipulations of the
ballot-box stuffers, unscrupulous returning-officers and unprincipled
members of canvassing-boards. Another man is to-day occupying
the seat to which Captain Kolb is entitled, with the absolute ac-
quaintance of the certainty of this statement, and with the perfect
knowledge that a vast majority of the people of Alabama are fully
aware that, inasmuch as he has assumed it wrongfully, he is un-
worthy of the trust. What a shameful and revolting spectacle !

O POLITICS OF ALABAMA.

President Hayes was never more despised by the people of Ala-
bama, than is Governor Jones by the common people of his own state.

No better or more interesting recital could be given of the rightful
claims of Captain Kolb, than is made in his open letter, written De-
cember 15, 1892, and addressed to the General Assembly and people
of Alabama. In this letter Captain Kolb makes a demand for justice,
gives well-known facts that are susceptible of proof, makes state-
ments of particular frauds, and asks why an investigation of the
matter is not permitted and the people allowed to choose their own
public servants. The letter is as follows :

" To THE Members of the General Assembly of Alabama, and the
People of Alabama :
" As I have so far been denied the official rights conferred upon me by a
sovereign people, I deem it my duty to address this open letter to the mem-
bers of the Legislature and people of Alabama, and respectfully ask for an
impartial hearing. 'Let justice be done, though the heavens fall.' On the
ist of December, 1892, a conscienceless and corrupt oligarchy overturned
the republican form of government in Alabama, and installed as the de facto
governor, a man who was not elected to the office. I feel that I am airing
no mere private or personal grievance in thus protesting against and denoun-
cing this great crime against law, order and civil liberty. I would be an
unfaithful steward and unworthy of the sacred trust confided to me by the
people of Alabama at the polls in August last, if I remained silent under the
circumstances. Two years ago the Democratic party, in convention assem-
bled, refused to nominate for governor the acknowledged choice of a
majority of the party. For the sake of harmony, I bided my time for
another two years, believing that the people would then rise in their majesty
and throw off the tyrannous yoke of party bosses. On the 8th of June last,
the Democratic party again assembled in state convention, to nominate can-
didates for governor and other state officers, and for a second time, the
rights and wishes of the people were over-ridden by fraud and the unfair use
of party machinery in the election of delegates thereto. My friends did every-
thing in their power to bring about a fair and honorable settlement of all
differences existing between the two factions of the Democratic party in the
state. All overtures in tliis direction were treated with scorn and derision
by the so-called ' organized ' Democracy, and we were forced to organize
our own state convention, which was composed exclusively of life-long

POLITICS OF ALABAMA. 9

Democrats. This convention nominated a full state ticket and appealed
to the justice-loving- hearts of the true, sovereign people of Alabama, for
their verdict on the first Monday in August. The issues between the two
factions of the party were fully presented by both sides of the controversy,
in the most memorable campaign ever known in the political history of the
state. On the first Monday in August, the people spoke at the ballot-box
in thunder tones and declared that the ticket headed by myself for governor, 's^
received a majority of over 45,000 of the votes cast, fully 25,000 of that
majority being white voters. By frauds and manipulations on the part of
election managers and county returning-boards in many counties of the
state, this true majority of 45,000 for myself for governor, was changed into
a fictitious majority of about 11,000 for Thomas G. Jones. This state of/
facts was admitted to be true for weeks after the election by prominent
supporters of Governor Jones throughout the state, who did not hesitate to
say that the Legislature, when it convened, would provide for a prompt and
impartial investigation of the frauds alleged to have been committed, and
would declare who was rightfully entitled to the office of governor. Gov-
ernor Jones himself is on record as having used the following language on
the subject, in an interview with Mr. Chappel Cory, editor of the Birming-
ham Age-Herald, on August 21, 1892 :

'"If I am not fairly elected I do not want the office. I intend to renew
my recommendation, made in February, 1891, to the ensuing General
Assembly, to pass laws to provide for contests before the General Assembly,
for governor and the other state offices. There can be no doubt that such
a law will be passed. You may say further that if the limited session
allowed by the constitution will not give sufficient time to hear and decide
such contests as may be brought, that I will not hesitate to convene the
General Assembly in extraordinary session for the purpose. I have neither
reason nor motive to use the power of the office of governor to hinder or
embarrass investigation ; but, were it otherwise, consecration to this great
trust would leave me no room for doubt as to the pathway of duty and
honor, when the happiness and contentment of the people lay in the balance
against partisan success or personal triumph. ' Commenting on this inter-
view with Governor Jones, the Age-Herald said editorially : ' There is now
no reason why every honest man should not adjourn the discussion of the
gubernatorial issue until the meeting of the General Assembly. Certainly
no honest-minded Democrat, however bitterly he may have fought for
Captain Kolb, can find an excuse for keeping alive the fires of factional
strife. The statement by Governor Jones, which we publish this morning,
leaves nothing more to be said until the trial shall come up according to the

lO POLITICS OF ALABAMA.

law and the constitution. No settlement of a contest is possible except by
the General Assembly, and the Governor says in plain terms it shall be settled
and rightly settled. He goes so far as to say that if the constitutional limit
of fifty days shall not give time for the determination of all contests, he will
convene the General Assembly in extraordinary session for that purpose.'
Thus, it is plainly apparent, that Governor Jones and his friends are pledged
to provide for and abide by a legislative investigation and adjudication of
the contest. Can Governor Jones and his friends afford not to keep their
pledges? Will Governor Jones follow 'the pathway of duty and honor,' or
will he sacrifice both upon the altar of 'partisan success and personal
triumph ? ' On the occasion of his inauguration as the de facto Governor of
Alabama, December i, 1892, in making an urgent appeal to the Legislature
to largely increase the present rate of taxation, Governor Jones declared
that 'the Democratic party can dare to do right.' If he deemed it the duty
of a Democratic legislature to increase the burdens of an already taxridden
people, surely he can afford to recommend to this same Legislature the
necessity of investigating alleged election frauds, which impugn the integrity
of his title to the office of governor, and especially, when these frauds are
not denied by his supporters or the press friendly to him. In other words,
will Governor Jones 'dare to do right,' in this grave matter, affecting, as it
does, the rights of the majority of the sovereign people of this commonwealth
and the perpetuity of a republican form of government in Alabama. Will
the Legislature, now assembled on Capitol Hill, knowing as they do, that all
honest and fair-minded men among their constituents demand an investi-
gation, 'dare to do right,' and enact a law which will insure that justice
shall be done and a stigma removed, which will otherwise be a stain upon
Alabama's fair escutcheon forever ? I believe the Legislature will rise above
paltry partisan feeling, and that after becoming convinced of the wishes of
their people during the Christmas recess, will return to the Capitol and
effect a just and speedy settlement of this vital question. It has been
charged that I have deserted the Democratic party. I repudiate the base
calumny with the scorn of conscious innocence. The Democratic party has
always been and always will be the party of the people, and the so-called
'organized' Democratic party of Alabama has simply deserted and out-
raged the people. I am now, as I have ever been, true and faithful to the
principles of Jeffersonian Democracy. I believe in and shall ever contend
for ' a government of the people, for the people and by the people.' There
are men high in the counffils of the so-called 'organized' Democracy, who
while admitting my election, declare that because I supported the electoral
ticket nominated by the Lakeview convention, I should be denied even an

POLITICS OF ALABAMA. II

opportunity to contest before the Legislature for the office to which I have
been elected; and some go so far as to say that, had I not given such
support, I would have been legally seated in the gubernatorial chair of
Alabama, on the ist of December, 1892. No sensible, or honest person
will contend that my support of the Lakeview electoral ticket can affect the
merits of my cause of contest or change the facts of the previous August
election. For that support, I have no apologies to make ; for I followed the
dictates of right and conscience. And besides, I could not consistently
support the electoral ticket nominated by the convention of party bosses at
the State-house, because such support would have been on my part an
indirect indorsement of the frauds which I honestly believe were committed
against me by these same party bosses and their henchmen, in the August
election. P"or taking the position I did, it is proclaimed by my enemies that
I am 'politically dead in Alabama.' In reply to this, I would say that,
when they undertake to lay me away in my political coffin, they will find
that no amount of abuse and vilification will prevent my speedy and
triumphant resurrection through the sovereign might of an outraged people.
The political bosses are hereby notified that in the future, as in the past, I
will ever be found battling for true Jeffersonian Democracy and the rights of
the masses. In the meantime, thanks to a merciful Providence, being in
fine health and feeling confident of the continued sympathy and support of
my fellow citizens, I propose to fight now and fight ever until the banner of
right and reform is planted on the dismantled fortress of fraud and usurpa-
tion.

" For the information of the members of the General Assembly, I desire to
give some of the facts in detail, showing the truth of the charge that the state
ticket headed by myself for governor was fraudulently counted out, in August
last. My information in regard to these frauds is of the most authentic
character, and I will be able to sustain, by convincing proof, every charge
alleged. These election frauds, to which I call attention, will be startling
intelligence to the people in the ' white ' counties of the state, who at present
have no adequate conception of their extent and enormity. Let us first
examine Governor Jones' own home county of Montgomery. Every well-
informed person in Montgomery county knows and admits that the majority
of 6,250 returned for Governor Jones, was a sham and a fraud. The same
old methods were resorted to, that have been practised for years. The
boast, openly made before the election, that our ticket would be 'counted
out,' was carried out to the letter. It is a known fact and publicly stated,
that not over 4,000 votes, all told, were actually cast in the August election
in Montgomery county, and that an honest count of this vote would give me

12 POLITICS OF ALABAMA.

not less than 1,500 majority. The return of 3,561 votes, claimed to have
been cast in the two beats of the city of Montgomery, every honest citizen
knows to be untrue. I charge that there were not 1,000 votes actually cast
in the two city beats, and all over that number counted were uncast ballots.
The same is true as to the returns from nearly, if not all, the ' black ' beats of
the county. Tickets for the Jones faction were substituted for those cast
for the Kolb faction, and a large number of uncast ballots were counted for
Governor Jones and his faction that were never voted at all. Uncast
ballots were placed in the ballot-boxes and counted for Governor Jones
purporting to have been cast by men, both white and colored, long since
dead, and others by men who have not lived in the county for years. The
poll lists on file in the ofifice of the judge of probate, were either destroyed
or stolen, to prevent copies being furnished, which would show these facts
to exist. The vote of Montgomery county alone, honestly counted and
returned as the votes were cast, would show a difference in my favor of not
less than 7,700 votes. In other words, I carried the county by about 1,500
majority, instead of Governor Jones by over 6,200 as the fraudulent returns
show. The same state of facts exists as to Lowndes county — over 1,600
majority was returned for Governor Jones when, in fact, I carried the
county by over 2,000 majority. In many of the 'black' beats hundreds of
ballots cast for the Kolb faction were changed for those of the Jones faction,
and hundreds more of uncast ballots placed in the ballot-boxes and counted
for Governor Jones, that were never voted at all by anyone. The names of
hundreds of dead men appear on the poll lists and ballots put in for them
and counted for Governor Jones. When a copy of the poll lists was
demanded of the judge of probate, which I charge would show these facts
to exist, we were informed that said copy would be furnished the next day ;
but lo, and behold! when next day came, we were told that the poll lists
had been stolen the night before. I charge that the vote of Lowndes, honestly
counted as cast, would give me over 2,000 majority, instead of over 1,600
majority for Governor Jones, as returned, which would make a difference in
my favor of over 3,600 votes. The same facts exist as to Wilcox county.
I charge that not over 3,000 votes were actually cast in this county in the
August election, and if honestly counted I would have received a majority
of not less than 500. Yet by fraud and ballot-box stuffing and holding back
the returns for over a week after the election, a majority of over 4,300 was
given to Governor Jones. An honest count in this county would show 4,500
votes in my favor. But it was reserved to Dallas county to outdo all others,
in the way of ballot-box stuffing and fraudulent returns, by which a majority
of over 6,100 was figured out for Governor Jones. An honest count of the

POLITICS OF ALABAMA. I3

vote as actually cast would give me over 3,000 majority, making a difference
of over 9,000 votes in my favor, from this county alone. In Selma beat the
returns show that 2,642 votes were cast, and a majority of over 2,300 returned
for Governor Jones. The facts are, that not exceeding 1,400 votes were
actually cast in Selma beat, and fully 600 of those cast were for the Kolb
ticket. The census gave Selma beat a population of only 7,600, all told,
and yet, they return 2,642 of this population as having voted. One voter
out of five is above the average of most populations, but Selma has found
a way to manufacture nearly three voters out of every five of her people.
In some of the 'black' beats of the county, only thirty to forty votes were
actually cast, by both white and colored voters, and yet the returns give
from 400 to 700 majority from these beats, to Governor Jones. I charge
that not as many votes were cast in the county of Dallas for both Jones and
Kolb as the majority claimed for Governor Jones. The truth is, that Gov-
ernor Jones did not actually receive over 1,300 votes, all told, in the county,
and yet he is fraudulently given over 6,100 majority. In Perry county the
same frauds and ballot-box stuffing were resorted to, and hundreds of dead
men made to vote for Thomas Goode Jones. With an honest count of the
vote of Perry as actually cast, I would have received a majority of over 500
votes, instead of a majority of over 1,800 for Governor Jones, as returned,
which would make a difference of over 2,300 votes in my favor. In Hale
county, all will remember, that the first report received from that county
after the election, gave me the county by over 1,600 majority, but the politi-
cal bosses here urged them to hold back the returns and ' doctor ' them ; that
the 'organized' ticket was in great danger and the 'black belt"' was expected
to do her duty. Hale was equal to the emergency, and in a few days revised
her returns and figured out over 1,200 majority for Governor Jones. I charge
that the vote of Hale, if honestly counted, as actually cast, would give
me a majority of over 2,500, which would be a difference of over 3,700 in my
favor. The same irregularities occurred in Greene county, where a true
majority of over 500 for me was changed into a fictitious majority of 500 for
Governor Jones, showing a difference of over 1,000 in my favor. In Sump,
ter county my majority was fully 500 more than was returned for me, and
about the same in Pickens; and in Marengo county, an honest count of the
vote as cast would have given me the county by a safe majority, instead of
1,000 majority for Governor Jones as returned.

In Macon county, by fraud and manipulations, a true majority of about
2,000 for me was reduced to a little over 700. In Bullock county, by frauds,
manipulations and partisan abuses by county returning-boards, a majority of
over 1,800 was given Governor Jones when, in fact, if he was entitled to any

H

POLITICS OF ALABAMA.

majority at all, it should have been less than 200. In Autauga county an
honest count of the vote actually cast, would have given me the county by
at least 500 majority, but by ballot-box stuffing and fraudulently counting-
out votes cast for the Kolb ticket and substituting Jones tickets instead, a
small majority was falsely returned for Governor Jones. In all these 'black
belt' counties a majority of the judges of probate, sheriffs and clerks, whose
duty it was to appoint the inspectors of elections, were friends of Governor
Jones, and in most of the counties, the rights of the Kolb faction were
utterly ignored, and no friend of mine permitted to act as manager or clerk
at any of the beats. Only at a few ' white ' beats, in any of these counties,
were we allowed any representation. My political enemies were not satisfied
with this great wrong done me in the 'black belt ' counties but invaded some
of the 'white' counties, and by fraud and manipulation in the beats, or by
partisan action on the part of county returning-boards, on the Saturday
following the election, robbed me of over 10,000 votes to which I was justly
entitled. In Conecuh county I received a majority of 1,235 votes, and yet,
by throwing out boxes and robbing others, this majority was all wiped out,
and a false majority of 270 given to Governor Jones. In Pike county I
received a majority of 910 votes and the returns from eleven beats, giving
me large majorities, were thrown out or destroyed by the county returning-
board, and a majority of 55 given to Governor Jones. The contests in both
of these counties (Conecuh and Pike) have been virtually decided in my
favor by Judge Hubbard, in his decision in the contest cases for judge of
probate in each county. His opinion, as rendered, being in favor of Dr.
R. A. Lee, of Conecuh, and T. H. Brown, of Pike, both of whom were candi-
dates for probate judge on the Kolb ticket. In like manmer, as in Conecuh
and Pike, I was robbed of over 1,000 votes in Butler, over 1,000 in Elrnore,
over 600 in Coosa, over 700 in St. Clair, over 700 in Shelby, over 100 in
Chilton, over 1,000 in Talladega, over 500 in Walker, over 1,000 in Morgan
and over 1,000 in Madison. I have given plain and unvarnished facts, as I
believe them to exist, and positively assert that a fair and impartial investi-
gation will prove every statement made, to be true. It may be asked why
the evidence is not here adduced to prove these allegations. If adduced
here, these same parties would say that it was all ex parte and that it would
be controverted and destroyed, if both sides should be heard. Besides, they
know that the details necessary to be recounted as to each beat in so many
counties, would make a summary too voluminous to be incorporated in an
address. All I ask is that a full, fair and impartial investigation shall be
had and that a true judgment may be rendered. If Governor Jones and
his friends are not afraid of truth, equity and justice, why do they refuse.?

POLITICS OF ALABAMA. I5

If the effect would only be to remove a cloud from his title to the office,
would he not gladly embrace such an opportunity? 'But there's the rub.'
They well know that an investigation would disclose frauds and manipula-
tions which could not be defended, and would prove his claim to the office of
governor wholly unfounded upon right. That is why they dare not permit
an investigation. That is why some of them talk so glibly what they would
not dare to utter over their own signatures. That is why the Legislature
has treated this matter with silence, while patriotic representatives of the
people have urged and insisted upon action, so that justice might be done,
and right triumph. Every honest man knows that Governor Jones has no
shadow of claim to the office of governor. The people, by their votes in
August, relegated him to private life for the next two years, and yet he is
sitting up at the Capitol upon a lot of stuffed ballot-boxes from the ' black
belt,' and claiming his election. Some of his best friends have publicly
declared that he could not afford to hold the office in the face of such
fraudulent returns, and if he persisted in doing so, he would go down to
posterity more despised than Rutherford B. Hayes. I am only contending
for what is right. As a native-born citizen of Alabama, and one who has
always endeavored to serve my people and state to the best of my ability,
both in time of war and in time of peace, I feel that I have a right to
demand that justice be done. Thousands of true men all over this great
commonwealth honored me with their support in the August election, and
in their name I demand of the Legislature, a prompt and impartial investiga-
tion of this matter. These people represent a majority of the white voting
population and demand a respectful hearing. I beg you, members of the
Legislature, not to mistake the temper of these people. Remember that a
large majority of them have been life-long Democrats. While they don't
believe in, and never will submit to the domination of a few party bosses,
yet they do believe in the time-honored principles of pure Jeffersonian
Democracy. They have been the true, the tried and unflinching Democrats,
who have heretofore fought the battles and won the victories of the party in
Alabama. True to its noble cause, true to every great principle, and true to
every demand of patriotism upon them, they have been in the fore-front of
every contest when victory was won, and the firm and immovable, the true
and faithful guardians of its cause, in every defeat we have ever sustained.
Many of these people were gallant soldiers in the late war, and since 1865
have been battling for the Democratic party in Alabama. Many of them
have reared sons, in whose breasts they early planted the principles of true
Democracy, and taught them that it was the party of the people. They
believe that Democracy means that the people shall rule, and that white

1 6 POLITICS OF ALABAMA.

people should govern Alabama. They now feel that a few political bosses
are undertaking to overthrow a republican form of government in this state.
I warn you to stop and reflect. Don't trifle with these people longer. Let
justice be done, and sweet Peace will again spread her white wings over our
beloved state.

R. F. KOLB."
Montgomery, Ala., Dec. 15, 1S92.

Nothing but silence answers this scathing arraignment of the
Democratic party of Alabama. The burning charges of corruption
and robbery meet no rebuttal; none could truthfully be made.
Many weeks after the publication of Captain Kolb's letter, the
Birmingham Age- Herald^ of Maixh3, 1893, contained a remark-
able editorial confession, headed: "That Political Pest," — which
may enable one to form some opinion of the sentiment of the aver-
age Jones Democrat regarding the Kolb-Jones contest and "dis-
pute" over the election. This quotation from the editorial will
prove quite interesting :

" Now the fact is that the Populists will fight the Democratic party in 1894
on the issue of the last August election, and their cry will be so many varia-
tions of the contest matter. The plain facts of this matter had as well be
understood first as last. If Captain Kolb and the other gentlemen who ran
on his ticket had supported Cleveland and held good their claims to being-
Democrats, a contest law would have been enacted. Public sentiment would
have compelled it, and the dispute over the election would have been legally
settled, and in all probability Governor Jones would have been governor
just as he is now. But when Captain Kolb and his fellow candidates on his
state ticket, went bodily over to Mr. Harrison and conspired with Chris
Magee, public sentiment revolted. From that moment all possibility of a
contest law vanished. The organized Democracy would not hear to yield-
ing an inch of ground, and all the influence of Governor Jones himself could
not have availed to procure a contest law from the Legislature. That is a
plain statement of fact. That is the shape it will assume in 1894. In the
meanwhile, if we begin the campaign already, how are we going to have any
rest?"

As is easily apparent from reading the foregoing editorial, the
principal excuse of the " machine bosses" as to why the ofiice of

POLITICS OF ALABAMA. 1 7

governor was stolen from Captain Kolb, is "because he did not
support Cleveland ! " This silly twaddle about Captain Kolb
going over to Harrison, is just such nonsensical stuff as the average
of Alabama Democratic editors deem fit to feed the Democratic
' ' gods and little fishes " on. What other available matter have they,
when truth, right and reason have forever departed from their sanc-
tums and from their cause ?

POLITICS OF ALABAMA.

CHAPTER II.

THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY ONE OF PREJUDICE.

Excepting those who have resided in the South, few people out-
side have any true conception whatever, of what means a contest
against the fixed ideas and establislied policies of the ruling element
in this section. Not until recently have the searching currents of
thought inundated, to a great and perceptible extent, the founda-
tions of bitter prejudice that have been the main basis of the mon-
ster political structure which has towered in its glory in the South
since the days of reconstruction. For a long time, few there were
who would dare to revolt against its darkened walls, lest they might
forever be driven from the shadow of its wings.

It is no idle charge that is embodied in the frequent statement
that the "par" prejudiced Democratic politicians in Alabama will
adopt any method, foul or fair, especially foul^ that may perpetu-
ate the control of that party, in this state. And it has been the dire
dread of becoming a victim of just such venomous partisans as these
that has awed aspiring men of this state into party line and once
made it seriously doubtful whether any able man would jeopardize
his political prospects by being so bold as to stand out in opposition
to the "Democracy (?) of Alabama," and its shadowy practices,
which Southern young men have been taught by gray-haired parents
to believe justifiable.

When, for once, the prejudice of the leaders and tlie animosity
of the rabble of the Democratic party is fully aroused ;ind incited
against anv person who would ally himselt" with the opposition,
then the subject of this ardent persecution may expect that never
will he, nor his seed, go forgotten by an unrelenting foe, until such
prejudice-bearing life is extinguished.

The time has been when Alabama Democrats would not concede
it a right for a Southern voter to be anything else than a " booster"

POLITICS OF ALABAMA.

19

for the "machine bosses." The privilege to oppose the Demo-
cratic party — considering the treatment accorded those who latel}
antagonized that party in the Smith — is generally supposed by
" Bourbons" not to exist, even now.

During the heat of political campaigns, — and especially was it the
case in Alabama last year, — every imaginable pressure is brought to
bear upon those who do not see fit to support the Democratic ticket.
Ostracism is practised in both social and business life. Merchants
withhold supplies from farmers, wealthy landlords threaten the dis-
charge of their tenants, and mortgage-holders talk wildly of fore-
closures, to those who express a desire to exercise the right of
franchise according to their own belief and as free men of a so-
called free republic. In no other section of the country are such
political forces as these exerted to so radical a degree, or is the
"party lash" wielded with so tremendous a flourish. The "party
lash" cracker must be devised so as to "drive them into line;" it
makes no difference what the nature of the material may be, if its
popping is fitting for the time and purpose.

POLITICS OF ALABAMA.

CHAPTER III.

DIFFERENT KINDS OF "PARTY LASH " CRACKERS.

The rank and file of Democrats in Alabama, until recently, have

blindly drifted along, neglecting every interest. '^Vmk'nig of

nothing else, scarcely, than "machine boss"' protection from the

near approach of some highly-pictured prospective woe, ever since

before the late w^ar, when slaveholders waved the party lash and

popped the cracker of " secession or ruin, " — until now, when the

sons of ex-slaveholders, and others that form the "domineering

bossism" in Alabama, pop the cracker of "Democracy or negro

rule." From the time when the "old plantation darkey," hat in

hand, stood humbly before his master to hear that he was no longer

a chattel slave, until now, the "bulldozing" ex-slaveholding lord

has "blowed" about the danger of "negro rule" and the sons of

this class of oftice-holding hierarchy have as l^lusteringly echoed the

farce. They failed to remember that it was the wrinkled hands of

the old colored slave that were stretched out in protection over his

master's loved ones when the deadly flash and quaking thunder of

battle threatened Southern homes, and they soon unkindly pictured

them as demon clutches. There is no reasonable ground for fear

of "negro supremacy." It is the domination of the man with the

black heart, without special reference to " hide," that the yoemanry

of Alabama must really fear. It is not the supremacy of the negro

that curses, or may curse the white productive classes, but it is the

supremacy of "machine bosses" who, through the fraudulent

nianipuhition of the ballot-box in counties with a predominence of

colored population, roll up fictitious and enormous majorities in

order to defeat the will of the white people of other counties. This

white-" hided, " black-hearted class, which has always popped the

cracker of "negro supremacy" are now those who wrongfully

dominate a majority of the white people of Alabama on account of

POLITICS OF ALABAMA. 21

stuffed ballot-boxes extravagantly based upon a negro population.
The "antediluvian," ex-slaveholding Democrat has talked much
about this or that party being a " negro party," but for a certainty
this Pharisaical set can now see in their own " dear old Demo-
cratic party " in Alabama a full-fledged " negro party." The Kolb-
Jones election demonstrates this fact, Jones having received majori-
ties in no other than "black belt" couniies. Be it said to the credit
of the "black belt" negroes, however, they protest that they did not
vote for Jones and are amazed that the country has palmed the
Democratic part}' of Alabama, and the responsibility for its exist-
ence, off on them. The national election in Alabama, a fac-simile
of the state election, sustains the apparently dark complexion of
that party.

The "Force Bill" cracker is another very available "party lash"
snap. Democratic campaign orators never fail to picture, in their
denunciation of this hobgoblin, burly negroes guarding the polls
with bayonets while timid white men come trembling forward to
deposit their ballots. "Unless the Democratic ticket is elected,
such a state of atlairs will most certainly exist, " shouts the office-
holder, and there are, even now, voters in Alabama who are simple
enough to believe it. No party advocates or indorses a measure of
any such provisions, yet the people of the South are told that a vote
against the Democratic party means the support of just such a state
of affairs, and if possible, something worse. It is argued by Demo-
crats, that under such a perilous probability, no farmer could justly
consider his empty pocket, poverty-stricken home, overworked and
shabbily-clothed family, and poorly-educated children, "and go off
to discussing the money question. "

Until of recent years, the rank and file of the people in Alabama
usually "kicked up the dust" in their terrible display of hostility to
anything antagonistic to the Democratic party. In the meantime,
the "machine bosses" wielded the "party lash" and popped the
snap crackers over their heads; ingeniously playing upon their
passions and prejudices, and always holding the offices.

2 3 POLITICS OF ALABAMA.

CHAPTER IV.

THE TROUBLE OF THE SIXTIES.

The people of Alabama were plunged into the bloody, surging
sea of trouble in the sixties by the same extremist element in the
South, which has more than once ruled more desperately than wisely,
and is, in times of great emergency, scarcely conservative or sensible.
The writer often imagines he can hear some of these same old bluster-
ing members of the ex-slave- and present office-holding hierarchy
exciting the common people back before the sixties with their now
"moss-covered" harangues, and wonders if some of the common
herd could again be herded by these same herdsmen and be driven
into another conflict of "a poor man's fight and a rich man's war."

If it had not been for the rash domination of this " rule or ruin "
element in the South at that time, there is no doubt but that " the
war between the States " could have been averted, with far greater
advantage to the people of this section.

The masses of the people of Alabama were not at heart secession-
ists, but it is, as heretofore, unwritten truth that this state was se-
ceded fraudulently by the original " machine bosses " who dictated
the seating of the delegates in the " secession convention," and who
ruthlessly sacrificed the lives and property of the poor in a vain en-
deavor to add to the coffers of the rich landlord by further enslaving
humanity.

Reformers in Alabama are to-day fought hardest and persecuted
most by the sons of the class of men who fought the poor white man
during the late war and spoliated his meagre possessions, in order that
the shackles might be kept on the ankles of the black man so the rich
landlord could prolong his princely ways. Opposing the present
movement for universal industrial freedom are represented those
who have strangled Liberty at every stage of her growth, and who
respect the needs of the poor white man now, as little as they did
the wants of the poor slaves then.

POLITICS OF ALABAMA. 2^

The common people always fight all the battles in times of war,
create all the wealth in periods of peace ; but, whether in the battle
of blood or the struggle for bread, they have never reaped a sub-
stantial benefit from either contest. They have been engaged in
a prolonged, though varying struggle, all down the history of the
ages, and greed and avarice have always sapped their energies and
sucked their life-blood.

Such is truly a too real recital of the actual experience of the
Alabama citizen ex-soldier, as he now is in the ranks of " the
common masses of the common people," battling for bread with
about as much hope of reaping a happy reward in this contest, as
he had of winning a soul-swelling ^•ictorv in that of the sixties.
How sad is the nan^ative of the real life of the average Alabamian,
who has always been loyal to the political leaders of his native state,
worshiping even at the shrine of the name " Democracy," but, after
years of toil, privation and endurance, appi'oaches the verge of
eternity unable to bequeath a heritage of neither full-fledged liberty
nor free-titled land to uneducated, homeless and hopeless children.

24 POLITICS OF ALABAMA.

CHAPTER V.

WANT PRODUCES THINKERS.

Some siDccies of the brute creation open their eyes in nine days,
but some of the poor, blinded and burden-bearing creatures of hu-
manity scarcely ever succeed in getting their eyes fully open to the
light of God's blessed bestowals to mankind. Others soon realize
the repulsiveness of the black shadows that enthrall them and bite
the dust in anguish in their struggle to be free. And often, when
higher reason fails to prompt one to action, unsatiated appetite con-
stitutes a never-failing reminder. As necessity is the mother of in-
vention, so is poverty productive of thought. The earlier one's
condition is reduced to want, the sooner will the thought " materialize
into action." Thus it is with the debt-ridden toiler, the f armless
farmer and the produceless producer in their unrest in Alabama to-
day. The general want has produced general thought. Thought
has instituted inquiry. Investigation has inaugurated a revolt. The
opposition to the Democratic party was, in this manner, born out of
want. Term it the "third party," or whatever you may choose, it
is really a necessary party ; and its growth will continue as long as
the wants and demands of the neglected productive interests go
unheeded.

The ingenious old party leaders may appeal to the passions of
some ; the " Force Bill," like Banquo's ghost, may continue to " bob
up;" the farcial cry of "negro supremacy" may again fill the air;
but the wide-awake spirit is becoming prevalent, and these politicians,
instead of being absorbed with the tav-i^, will soon be astounded at
the tear-ojf' from the Democratic party.

The feeling of the usurer's grasp is more likely, hereafter, to con-
vince the possessor of the ballot of his duty, than will the artful
arraying of one section by corporation talent. The presence of the
legislative curse that makes the over-producing producer produceless,

POLITICS OF ALABAMA. 25

will, in days soon to come, more largely influence a vast majority
of the citizens of this state in the exercise of their inalienable will,
than will the Democratic hobgoblin of the farcial prospective (?)
"Force Bill." The appeal for education that comes from the inno-
cent eyes of little children, as they caress a weary mother's care-
worn face, shall soon carry more force of persuasion with the voter
than will the bluster of office-seekers in their feigned warnings of
"negro rule;" and the father will then seek to hand down to his
children the magic wand that is dispelling brutishness from the face
of all the earth.

Thought having once inundated the passion-played Southern pub-
lic mind, an awakening is begun, and, aroused to an appreciation
of affairs as they exist, the rank and file of the people of Alabama
are in an astounding state of agitation. Some idea of the extent of
this unrest can be derived by recalling to mind the results of the last
elections. This change in public sentiment, and attainments of the
reform crusaders against the organized Democracy, will best be ap-
preciated by an understanding of the campaign intolerance and
election methods which have made the " Bourbon " historic, and
which is fast making all those who believe in keeping sacred our free
institutions, shrink from the support of men of such a party and a
party of such methods and men.

26 POLITICS OF ALABAMA.

CHAPTER VI.

"bourbon" campaign intolerance.

The revolt of the common people of Alabama against the
*' machine bosses" is, simply speaking, a revolution against revo-
lutionists ; and the increasing strength of the former is rapidly
developing the intolerant spirit of the latter. This savage-natured
sentiment that has characterized the campaign policy of the Demo-
cratic party of the South in its treatment of the opposition, has
often received the scathing criticism of many a caustic pen. Yet
nothing too severe could be said in its condemnation.

It is the most idle and hollow mockery for any writer or any
newspaper to attempt to repudiate the rightful accusation, so long
made, that the Democratic party in the South is responsible for the
campaign intolerance that is practiced in this section. These out-
bursts of violence in the South and in Alabama are but the spas-
modic ventings of an overwrought public sentiment that has been
instilled and tutored by the press and leaders of that party ever
since the war. In reality, not half has been told of the attempts at
stifling free speech in Alabama.

Although the entire record of the "Bourbon" element is indeed
unenviable and astonishing, yet, never before in the histoiy of
Southern Democratic campaign ruffianism had this spirit reached
the height of deviltry displayed during 1893, in Alabama. With
organized rabbles at their back, and partisan courts at their faces,
political bullies openly boasted of their lawlessness and engaged in
their dastardly outrages defiant to morality, honesty, conscience or
prosecution.

During the last weeks of the Kolb-Jones campaign this barbaric
nature was beginning to be fully drawn out ; the most cowardly
demonstration of its existence having first been made at Florence,
Ala., where the writer was attacked at midnight, July 37, by a

POLITICS OF ALABAMA. 27

mob that had assembled at the depot to do him violence upon his
departui-e from the town. The mob, as was stated by dispatches
published in the Democratic press, consisted of "fifty enraged
citizens." The riotous crowd was incited and collected by parti-
sans, for no other than a political cause ; and had it not been that
the writer succeeded in reaching the platform of the car unob-
served, no doubt but that he would have been egged, stoned, or shot
to death. The lights had been extinguished in the depot, which is
located in a desolate part of the town, and every other arrangement
was seemingly made for the doing of a dark and bloody deed.
These villainous plans proved, however, to be advantageous to the
writer, who escaped a brutally-designed assassination by getting on
the platform of the car before the shower of missiles had com-
menced. The writer's hat suffered ruin from the " indignation," and
a Memphis & Charleston car was turned into the shops spattered and
battered. Herewith is given a letter, referring to the Florence inci-
dent, and as its author is one of Alabama's most eminent ministers,
this document will prove valuable literature :

" Study of L. F. Whitten,

Pastor M. E. Church, South.

Jasper, Ala., Aug. i, 1892.
" My dear Brother Manning :

" As soon as I have the time, I hasten to tender to you my sincere sym-
pathies for the barbarous and uncivilized treatment you received at Florence
a few days since. The correspondent of the Age-Herald, who lives at
Florence, saw ' an amusing sight last night to see the boasted disciple of
Kolbism, J. C. Manning, run from a volley of rotten eggs thrown by fifty
enraged men.' He could have seen in this ' amusing sight,' the return of the
Spanish Inquisition and diaboHc intolerance of barbarism, had he been able to
look ahead. This was outrageous and inhuman treatment for which I assure
you I am full of regrets. I am ashamed that it has happened in Alabama
or the South. This spirit shown you, and the abuse heaped upon you, if not
denounced and punished speedily, will culminate in the hottest persecution
of an honest minority; which will prohibit free speech and destroy the right
to oppose the majority, although that majority be led by the devil himself.

28 POLITICS OF ALABAMA.

If that spirit is not rebuked in our state and the righteous indignation of our
people does not stamp it out swiftly, then the darkest days of the Rebellion
will be bright as compared to those to follow. This spirit will invade the
pulpit and go into the sanctum of the editor, and sermons will have to be
pleasant, pacific and agreeable, and editors must agree with those in author-
ity, or else the minister will be driven out of town, and the editor will be
rotten-egged or swung up by the thumbs ! If that comes to pass, then give
me a monarchical government. I should greatly prefer to appeal to Ceesar,
than to an enraged mob of 'fifty or more citizens' (?) fired up with red liquor,
and thirsting for the blood of the man who differs from them, — a set of brain-
less, heartless sapheads. I heard a gentleman who saw it, denounce it as the
most villainous thing he ever saw in a land of freedom. He does not belong
to your party, — neither do I, — but he was for you. You keep on, if you
die at your post. Mobs to-day, mausoleums to-morrow. The party that
resorts to such tactics may ride the top of the wave to-day, but the good
time is coming when that rotten and rum-soaked method will be buried out
of sight under an avalanche of ballots of brave men, who scorn the rotten-
egg method of answering brainy arguments, which ' Bourbons ' have not
sense enough to meet in any other way. For my part, I do not believe in
intolerance. The day has passed to allow it. God holds the reins of gov-
ernment. Life, liberty and free speech are our own inalienable rights. To
destroy these, as the mobs would do, is to muzzle the press, kill the stump-
speaker, and hang the preacher who does not court popular applause, and
who defies public sentiment that is wrong.

Cordially yours for the Right,

L. F. Whitten."

" P. S. I said I do not belong to your party. I am a political Prohibi-
tionist, and pray for the day to dawn when the sober and sensible and honest
manhood of our country may get together and rule it.

L. F. W."

Other instances of this frenzied partisan madness soon abounded.
But the most wicked resort of Democratic party passion, be it
said to its eternal shame, was made upon Col. J. M. White-
head, editor of The Living Truths Georgiana, Ala. Not
content with destroying peace, planning and attempting midnight
assassinations, hooting and howling at public meetings, these
haters of civil liberty and " dying hard " Democrats come forth in

POLITICS OF ALABAMA. 29

their extreme infernalism, and hurl eggs at a gray-haired, one-
legged, ex-Confederate soldier and citizen of irreproachable man-
hood. In response to a request for a statement on this subject,
the writer received the following reply from Colonel Whitehead :

"Greenville, Ala., April 3, 1893.
"J. C. Manning:

" Dear Sir, — You ask me to write to you some of my experiences during
the campaign last year with our friends, the organized Democracy.
Knowing their methods so well, their ' wild and woolly ' ways did not sur-
prise me. I had some experiences with them in 1884, when I was an
independent candidate for Congress in this district, against Herbert. At
Ross Hill, Covington county, I was set upon by their tools, who had been
organized before to kill me. It was a miracle that the plan failed. As it
was, I had an arm broken, a shoulder dislocated and was left for dead on
the ground. I had just closed a speech in which I had exposed the unfaith-
fulness of their Congressman (the nominee), which I had been doing for the
past two weeks and he had heard of it. He is now the Secretary of the
Navy ! I had challenged him to a joint discussion and he had declined. He
was a Confederate soldier and so was I. I had lost a leg and he had lost
the use of an arm, but nothing of this kind could stand in the way of his
ambition. I never had any doubt but that he and his henchmen instigated
this cowardly assault upon me. Last year, most of my speeches were made
in the ' white counties ' where our friends are largely in the majority. I
went to Union Springs, in Bullock county, — a ' black county ' — to engage
the Hon. W. C. Oates in a joint debate. He declined and I made no
attempt to speak. As I was leaving on the train from the depot that night,
I was honored with a shower of eggs coming through the car window at
which I was sitting. They passed within a few inches of my nose and
breaking on the other side of the car, fell on the good clothes of an enthusi-
astic Democrat. Of course he was mad, while I was in the best possible
humor. I did the laughing and he did the swearing. It took place as the
train moved off, so that there was no chance to investigate who the parties
were. They were under the cover of darkness, and doubtless will there

remain."

Most respectfully,

J. M. Whitehead."

"They are under the cover of darkness, and doubtless will there
remain." What manner of Democracy ( .^) is this, which forms a

30 POLITICS OF ALABAMA.

prominent part of the nation's administration — even entering the
make-up of the cabinet of the President ! It is no surprise that an
opposition cause to such a party as this Democracy (?) would dare
to undergo the most trying difficulties in its struggle to maintain
freedom of speech and to sustain human liberty ; it is no wonder
that the Southern champions of reform dare to preserve law, pro-
tect home and have honest g-overnment.

POLITICS OF ALABAMA. 3 1

CHAPTER VII.

ELECTION METHODS OF THE DEMOCRATS.

" Bourbon " campaign intolerance, ballot-box stuffing and other
similar crimes against human libert}- have become a common prac-
tice in the political contests in Alabama. It is said frequently by
the opposition in this state that one's skill in fraudulent election
manipulation wins promotion in the councils of the Democratic
party. -It is also not untrue that voters who have been accomplices
in perpetrating election frauds have been rewarded with official
positions "on account of efficient services rendered the j^arty."

The election law in Alabama was framed for facilitating fraud
as an alleged necessity for protection from negro supremacy.
But, once having secured the " machine," the " bosses" have taken
advantage of this " original purpose," and have carried the practice
of stealing ballots so far as to feloniously take white men's votes in
order to preserve the "machine" intact. This practice has been
carried out to such an outrageous extent that an overwhelming
majority of "white" ballots have frequently been reversed by the
" machine bosses" in order to continue the evolution of the office-
holding hierarchy. The original ballot-box stuffing law has been
recently displaced by another equally as iniquitous. This new law
was enacted at the last session of the Legislature and is known as
the " Sayre Election Bill." As fair and able criticism that has
been made of this bill appeared in the Alliance Herald^ Mont-
gomery, Ala., edited by Frank Baltzell, one of the ablest and most
forcible writers in the South. The Alliance Herald says of this
measure :

" The law should be captioned, ' A Bill to be entitled an Act to Perpet-
uate the Frauds which have heretofore been practiced in Alabama.' It is
very ingenious in its draft, very adroit in its omissions and very mischievous
in its operations. The principal idea in the bill is that it absolutely puts the

32 POLITICS OF ALABAMA.

control of elections in this state into the control of the inspectors of
elections, by making everything about voting so hedged about by secrecy
that it is impossible to ever get the evidence of any fraud that may be
committed, and by making them the absolute directors and controllers of
those who may not be able to read and write. The principal omission of the
bill is that it does not provide for the appointment of inspectors from each
party or faction, or rather fails to make provision for the enforcement of the
existing section in the code which provides for it, effective and certain to be
enforced. All the frauds in the elections are due to that defect. The
probate judge, clerk and sheriff do not pretend to enforce the law fairly.
Appeal to the courts to secure enforcement is a farce, as appeal from the
decision of the court delays the application of the remedy, if the supreme
court should oi-der it, until after the election shall be past. Each party or
faction should be guaranteed, under a heavy penalty upon these officers,
fair and just representation in the management, by having at least one
inspector and one clerk — those, too, whose names shall be suggested ; for to
appoint one ignorant, careless or indifferent inspector, to watch two
inspectors and two clerks, is folly. The average ballot-box stuffer can
count out every time, when that is done. One man is needed to watch the
one who reads the ballot, and another to watch the clerks. Without these
two, the ' slick ' artist can count out every time. This omission in the bill
makes it safer than the present law, for a voter can now keep a list,
and those of his party can give their names and voluntarily tell him for
whom they voted, and thereby afford evidence available in a contest. This
bill purposely does away with this right by putting all the power in the
hands of the inspectors and keeping everybody fifty feet away from any
evidence whatever. The law is almost wholly devoted to how voting shall
be done. Nobody is concerned about that. Everybody wants to know
how the counting will be done, or how the stuffing will be prevented. That
power is kept securely in the hands of the inspectors, and the inspectors'
appointment is equally as firmly kept in the hands of the judge of probate,
clerk and sheriff. That may seem a very adroit way of perpetuating fraud,
but it is neither smart, shrewd nor fair.

The law provides for booths or stalls — one for each fifty voters as shown
by the preceding election. One voter at a time gets a ticket from an
inspector, goes into the booth and is allowed five minutes to prepare his
ticket. If he cannot read or use his hands to make a cross mark opposite
each name of the candidate for whom he desires to vote, the inspector
appoints one of the partisans of his party — not the voter's — to fix the ticket.
He will fix it, too. Nobody can see or hear what transpires between the

POLITICS OF ALABAMA, 33

voter and this appointed manipulator. No penalty is provided for deceiving
or wrongly marking the ticket. All the frauds about that feature are pro-
tected. When it is marked, the voter casts it. Why not number it, so that
it can be identified in case of contest or dispute ? That would prevent fraud,
and is not wanted. No one is allowed within fifty feet of the voting place
nor the booths. There is great particularity about the way the ticket shall
be prepared, and none shall be voted unless they shall have the initials of
the inspector who hands them out, on the ticket. Any other ticket, if voted,
shall not be counted. There is anotlier chance for fraud. Suppose the
inspector refuses to mark his initials on the tickets, there is no penalty and
each one can refuse and defeat the election.

The law requires the registration o£ voters to be completed the first
twelve days in June, before the August and November elections. Before reg-
istering for each election, the voter must present his poll-tax receipt. When
he registers he gets a registration certificate. When he votes he must pre-
sent this registration certificate and leave it with the inspector. The way is
not plain how it will get back to him, when he delivers it in August and
desires to vote in November, but it is supposed that he will have a sHm or
good chance at that, as he shall be in accord or opposition to the officer who
ought to return it. If the registrar fails to act after he shall be appointed,
there is no way for the voters of the beat to register that year ; the probate
judge and registrar can manage that little trick so as to disfranchise all the
opposition beats with heavy majorities. The probate judge can appoint
another, but there is no penalty for not serving nor for the appointment of
an incompetent registrar. That feature is well fixed. The bill provides pen-
alties for everything to protect secrecy, but nothing to protect the honesty
of the count. It seems to proceed on the assumption that the principal
thing about an election is secrecy, and that the honest expression of the
will of the voters is not to be protected. The inspectors will fix that for the
party to which they belong and the probate judge will see that no other
party or faction has any chance or prospect. As a remedy for the troubles
now complained of in the state, the bill is wholly at variance from every-
thing needed. It simply puts in the power of the probate judge, clerk and
sheriff of a county the power to control every election."

The foregoing review of the " Sayre Election Law," is no more
than a just exposure of a legislative document devised and enacted
for the subversion of the will of the people. In other language, this
law is nothing more nor nothing less than a legalized plot to commit
treason against a republican form of government.

LofC.

34 POLITICS OF ALABAMA.

With the registration of voters and the management of elections
in their own hands, the " machine bosses " of the " black belt " never
fail to return any majority "that is needed." As an instance of this
corruption, let us refer to the vote of last August, and of last Novem-
ber, in some of the polling places in the " black belt " counties.
In the city of Montgomery, when in fact less than i,ooo votes were
cast in August, 3,561 votes were returned. Some weeks after the
state election, one of the managers of election in Beat 5 in Mont-
gomery county, stated to Captain Kolb that there were about 200
votes actually cast in this beat in the August election and that the
Kolb ticket received over one hundred and fifty of them, and Jones
the balance, but the returns gave Jones over four hundred majority !
This statement was made to Captain Kolb unsolicited, and by a man
who said he had voted for Jones, but was suffering from a punctured
conscience on account of the wrong he had done the people of Ala-
bama and himself, by assisting in ballot-box stuffing. Hundreds
of similar cases that occurred in the August election may be given,
where the ballot-boxes were not only stuffed, but the count reversed.

Dvunng the session of the Legislature, at the time of the election
of district court solicitors for the present term, a gentleman who
happened to be in Montgomery at the time, found the following
letter on the floor in the office of the Merchants' Hotel :

" Hatch., Nov. 8, 1892.
" Mr. J. V. Smith, Seale, Ala. :

"We are going to be 'snowed under' here to-day. Our only hope is to be
able to throw out the box. Write me by this p. m. mail the most complete
plan to do it. Would too many ballots in the box do it ? or which is best ?"

Yours, L. 3 — 3. — "

The envelope which contained this interesting letter, was ad-
dresed "J. V. Smith, Esq., Seale, Ala.," antl bears the postmark —
" Hatchechubbee, Ala., Nov. 8, 1892." This letter revealed
"election methods." Upon investigation, it was learned that
Hatchechubbee is a small box of not over 300 votes and that it took
two day to do the counting, and then, in spite of being " snowed

POLITICS OF ALABAMA. 35

under, " the Democratic ticket claimed 79 majority ! It is only
ten miles from Scale to Hatchechubbee. At Oswichee, a beat in
the same county of Russell, — in which is Hatchechubbee, — there
were 74 more votes in the box than were voters' names on the poll
list. Just such "double-dealing" as this, no doubt, won Cleve-
land's majority in this county. It is useless to add that "J. V.
Smith " is an office-holder. He was elected solicitor for the present
term in the Third Congressional District. As to " L. 3 — 3, — " it
will be noticed that the letter C is third in the alphabet, which
makes "L. 3. — 3. — "when the letter C is used in place of
"3.-3." read " L. C. C. " This " L. C. C, Hatchechubbee,
Ala.," is quite partisan in his feelings and is very much disturbed
in his sleep with nightmares of " negro supremacy! "

" Doctoring" registration lists is an effective way of preventing
boxes from being thrown out on account of not having enough
names on the poll list. In some of the "black belt" counties
these lists are very sacred, as they contain the names of many dead
negroes and good coon-dogs. An ex-sheriff of Marion county stated
to the writer that, in the discharge of the duties of that otfice sev-
eral years ago, it became necessary for him to save his own life by
killing a negro criminal, who had attacked him. The ex-sheriff
said that the occurrence often came to his mind, which was full of
i-egrets because of the affair. "However," said he, "I am now
feeling easy over the affair, as upon examining the registration
lists at the court-house a few days ago, I found the name of this
same negro registered, and learned that he was voted for Jones. "

Many are the ways by which the Democratic party has overcome
any opposition in Alabama. " Doctoring" registration lists, stuff-
ing ballot-boxes, reversing the count, throwing out election returns,
etc., has been quite a pastime for the "machine bosses." And
soon they will begin to realize " the cost of their game."

Suppose the opposition party, which now has control of thirty-
nine counties out of the sixty-six in the state, should resort to the

36 POLITICS OF ALABAMA.

shameful election tactics of the Democratic party ! Who could
picture the termination of such a result ? Referring to such a revo-
lutionary improbability, the Alliance Herald says :

" When the thirty-nine ' white ' counties shall commence to count, if they
should regard that as the last resort, the figures in a state election would be
as startling as amusing. Think of Dallas roUing up 10,000 majority one
way, and Etowah rolling up 12,000 for the opposing ticket. Then let Mont-
gomery roll up her 7,000 and see how they would compare with Coosa's 7,000
or Cleburne's 5,000. Then let Wilcox come serenely forward with her usual
6,000 and DeKalb call her hand with 7,000. Lowndes, too, could bob up
serenely with her 6,000 and Dale could *see her' with as blossoming a rose
of innocence in a game she does not understand and show up 6,000. The
' white ' counties have been holding aloof, until the tricksters worked them in
November, but they have found out a thing or two, and if counting must be
done they will startle the natives witli the unblushing character of what
could he done. The 'black belt' had best not force this competition.
When Dallas kills 5000 'white' votes in a 'white' county, by fraudulently count-
ing that number of negro votes in order to succeed, should the whites play
for even, it will not be difficult to divine what will be the result. The
Herald does not advocate this sort of tactics nor does anyone in the ' white '
counties, but there is a great deal of silent thinking about it. No one wants
to do it; but if self-preservation shall demand it to thwart the aggressions
of the ' black belt,' just watch and see how the innocent and guileless man
can 'swear to conduct this election for the best interests of the white people'
and down the ' black belt.' "

But the writer thinks " self-preservation" w^ill not demand such
a course. This is not a time for such practices. The common
people know it. They are determined to press forward their revolt
against the party that gave birth to such revolutionary ideas. The
common people of Alabama will not submit longer to such out-
rages. They are demanding, and, in the name of God and human-
ity, will have a free and fair expression of their political will on
the rostrum and at the polls.

POLITICS OF ALABAMA. 37

CHAPTER VIII.

SUCCESS OF THE POPULISTS ASSURED.

The people of Alabama will no longer vote the Democratic ticket
simply because the " antediluvian " leaders say so. They will no
longer be intimidated by party threats, or blindly driven by party
lash, but they are going to have a good reason for so doing, here-
after, before casting their votes for the party which has been in
power in Alabama for eighteen years, during the whole of which
time the people have grown poorer and poorer and no measures
have been adopted or suggested for their relief. The great masses
of the people cannot again be forced to neglect more pressing in-
terests to take issue on tariff reform only. While these people favor
tariff reform they demand other more vital things as well, and they
have formulated these demands into a party platform ; and the brave
and patriotic people who have the courage to maintain their con-
victions, will no longer be frightened from the issues they indorse,
by threats of disrupting an existing political party, — especially when
there no longer remains any necessity for keeping that party- together.
For what purpose are political parties organized and why do they
continue their existence ? The reading and thinking masses under-
stand that there is but one answer : Political parties are formed to
educate the people upon a proposed policy and to be instrumental in
having such policy enacted into law as soon as the majority of voters
favor and cast their votes for it. When the policy which brings a
party into existence has become accepted as a proper theory of gov-
ernment and ceases to have any opposition, then the necessity of the
political party itself ceases, for it has nothing else to accomplish.
It is proper and usual, however, for such a party to continue its
existence until some other living issues arise which demand the con-
sideration of the voter. When this is done, one of the the political
parties which has accomplished its mission, should, by appropriate

38 POLITICS OF ALABAMA.

platform, present the issues of the voters of the country ; or some
new party having that object in view, should be formed.

The Republican party was formed for the purpose of eradicating
chattel slavery in America, opposed secession, and incidentally
favored a high protective tariff" to enable the United States Govern-
ment to carry on the Civil War. The Democratic party in the
South favored slavery and secession, and thus the issues were
made. The Republican party established the objects of its organ-
ization and it is conceded that it was right, both in its opposition to
slavery and secession, and hence the issues then dividing the old
parties are now dead issues, leaving the only issue the incidental
one of protection. The fundamental principles promulgated by
Jefterson upon which the Democratic party was organized, have
been instilled into the hearts of practically all Americans and no
organized political party is necessary to maintain them. The issues
formerly dividing the Democratic and Republican parties (except-
ing the tarifl') are no longer in politics ; and the political "bosses"
of neither party can show why those who once opposed slaver}' and
secession should remam as a separate political organization, and
those who once favored it should remain as one also, while there
are living issues concerning the welfare of the masses of the com-
mon people, about which no concern is manifested by either of the
old parties.

Had the Democratic party adopted the living issues and burning
demands of the common people in its platform, and honestly advo-
cated their speedy enactment into law, then it would be the party
of the people. The rank and file of that party in the South and
West does not express any marked disapproval of the principal de-
mands for reform that are embodied in the platform of the Peo-
ple's party, yet, nine-tenths of the voters of the Democratic party
are controlled adversely to their political belief by one-tenth — the
Wall Street or Eastern portion. And, as S. S. King, Esq., a
noted reform author, has said, " Whistling against the wind in the

POLITICS OF ALABAMA. 39

efiort to drown the fury of the tempest, has always been as effect-
ual as the effort of Western and Southern Democracy to reform in
the face of Wall Street dictation. " Unfortunately for the Demo-
cratic party, it has been controlled by this un-Democratic Eastern
end of itself until the importunings of the common people of the
West and South have been ignored. The thunder of the " Tam-
many tiger " having drowned the appeals of the Western and
Southern producers, they have been forced to present their de-
mands by independent political action, and the People's party was
necessarily the result; and if these people have the courage and
manhood to stand firm to their convictions, and to resist the "party
lash" which the "machine bosses" will of course continue to
vigorously apply, there can be no question as to its success in
Alabama.

First and foremost, however, before the strength of any new
issues can even be tested in this state, the " machine bosses " who
have reigned supreme in Alabama for the last nineteen years
must be dethroned. In the name of Democracy they have per-
verted every principle which the word represents, and by "bull-'
dozing" and fraud, have constantly thwarted the will of the people
at the ballot-box. They have inaugurated methods as corrupt and
revolutionary as their despotic minds could conceive, that their
dominancy of the common people, might be perpetuated with ease ;
they have shaken the very foundation of the sacred covenant of
liberty, broken the peace, blighted the prosperity and threatened
the homes of the people; they have also hastened the time when
all good, liberty-loving and truly democratic citizens of this state
must unite in re-establishing the fact that they are the equals of
the " machine bosses," and that a majority should rule. When
this is established in fact as well as in theory, then, and not until
then, will the demands of the people, which are favored by a
majority of the people, be enacted into law. Whether favoiing
or opposing the demands of the common people, all honest citizens

H

40 POLITICS OF ALABAMA.

^

should unite in an effort to secui'e to those favoring them, the right
to have the issues that come before the people fairly tested by a
free ballot and a fair count of the votes polled. Anything else is
slavery, vv^hich will not be submitted to by the common people of
Alabama. In the language of the greatest Alabamian of to-day,
Capt. R. F. Kolb, the grandest Commoner of them all, whose
every impulse is actuated by a desire to do service to his down-
trodden fellow men :

" The common people of Alabama believe that democracy means
that the people shall rule. They now feel that a few political
' bosses ' are undertaking to overthrow a republican form of
government in this state. I warn the 'machine bosses' to stop
and reflect. Don't trifle with these people longer. Let justice be
done and sweet Peace will again spread her white wings over our
beloved state."

THE END.

'^'^^^"'"Va^-^

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS

0 003 385 650 7